EMBRACEABLE E.U.
Artículo
de Robert Kagan en “The
Washington Post” del 05/12/2004
Por
su interés y relevancia, he seleccionado el artículo que sigue para incluirlo
en este sitio web. (L. B.-B.)
Con un breve comentario al final:
LA RESISTENCIA TENSIONAL DEL
CHICLE (L. B.-B., 5-12-04, 20:00)
In
the unfolding drama of Ukraine, the Bush administration and the European Union
have committed a flagrant act of transatlantic cooperation. If Ukrainians
eventually vote in a free and fair election and thereby thwart the reemergence
of an authoritarian Russian empire along the borders of democratic Europe, it
will be one of those rare hinges of history where looming disaster was turned
into glittering opportunity. And it would not have happened without the joint
efforts of the United States and the European Union using -- dare one say it? -- "soft power" to compel Vladimir Putin and his would-be
quislings to retreat from their botched coup d'etat.
Maybe
this is the real future for transatlantic cooperation. In recent years thinkers
and diplomats on both sides of the Atlantic have earnestly tried to restore the
old Cold War strategic partnership, albeit aimed at a different set of enemies. We have squeezed European troops into Afghanistan,
where they are growing weary, and tried to squeeze them into Iraq, where they
do not want to go. "Out of area or out of business" was the Clinton
administration's mantra for NATO in the 1990s. But consider the possibility
that this old formula won't work for the new "postmodern" entity
Europe has become. Except in matters of trade, Europe is not a global player in
the traditional geopolitical sense of projecting power and influence far beyond
its borders. Few Europeans even aspire to such a role. This means Americans
should bury once and for all absurd worries about the rise of a hostile E.U.
superpower -- Europe will be neither hostile nor a superpower in the
traditional sense. It also means Americans should stop looking to Europe to
shoulder much of the global strategic burden beyond its environs.
But
the crisis in Ukraine shows what an enormous and vital role Europe can play,
and is playing, in shaping the politics and economies of nations and peoples
along its ever-expanding border. This is no small matter. On the contrary, it
is a task of monumental strategic importance for the United States as well as
for Europeans. By accident of history and geography, the European paradise is
surrounded on three sides by an unruly tangle of potentially catastrophic
problems, from North Africa to Turkey and the Balkans to the increasingly
contested borders of the former Soviet Union. This is an arc of crisis if ever
there was one, and especially now with Putin's play for a restoration of the old Russian empire. In confronting these dangers, Europe
brings a unique kind of power, not coercive military power but the power of
attraction. The European Union has become a gigantic political and economic
magnet whose greatest strength is the attractive pull it exerts on its neighbors.
Europe's foreign policy today is enlargement; its most potent foreign policy
tool is what the E.U.'s Robert Cooper calls "the lure of membership."
Cooper
describes the E.U. as a liberal, democratic, voluntary empire expanding
continuously outward as others seek to join it. This expanding Europe absorbs
problems and conflicts rather than directly confronting them in the American
style. The lure of membership, he notes, has helped stabilize the Balkans and
influenced the political course of Turkey. The Turkish people's desire to join
the European Union has led them to modify Turkey's legal code and expand rights
to conform to European standards. The expansive and attractive force of the
European Union has also played its part in the Ukraine crisis. Had Europe not
expanded to include Poland and other Eastern European countries, it would have
neither the interest nor the influence in Ukraine's domestic affairs that it
does.
Cooper,
unlike many Europeans, acknowledges the vital role of U.S. power in providing the
strategic environment within which Europe's soft expansionism can proceed.
Employing America's "military muscle" to "clear the way for a
political solution involving a kind of imperial penumbra around the European
Union," he suggests, may be the way to deal with "the area of the
greatest threat in the Middle East." In the Balkans, Europe's magnetic
attraction would have been feeble had Slobodan Milosevic not been defeated
militarily. And undoubtedly American power provides a useful backdrop in the
current diplomatic confrontation over Ukraine.
Cooper
is not alone in his expansive European vision. Among leading European
policymakers, Germany's Joschka Fischer seems the
most dedicated to using enlargement and the E.U.'s attractive power for
strategic purposes. Before Sept. 11, 2001, Fischer was suspicious of bringing
Turkey into the European Union and inheriting such nightmarish neighbors as
Iraq and Syria. But now he regards Turkey's membership as a strategic
necessity. "To modernize an Islamic country based on the shared values of
Europe would be almost a D-Day for Europe in the war against terror," he
argues, because it "would provide real proof that Islam and modernity,
Islam and the rule of law . . . [and] this great cultural tradition and human
rights are after all compatible." This "would be the greatest
positive challenge for these totalitarian and terrorist ideas."
Americans
could hardly disagree. Unfortunately, Cooper's and Fischer's vision of an
expanding E.U. empire is not shared across Europe. It finds most support in
Tony Blair's Britain, as well as in Poland and other Eastern European
countries, and among the current German leadership (though not among the German
population). It has least support in France, where even the recent inclusion of
Poland and other nations to the east is regarded as something of a disaster for
French foreign policy and where the admission of Turkey is considered anathema.
Modern, secular, forward-looking France still insists that Europe must remain,
in the words of Valery Giscard d'Estaing, a Christian civilization. In this and
other respects, France is part of what one might call "red-state
Europe," a pre-modern bastion on a postmodern continent.
Americans
are generally skeptical of or indifferent to the European Union. They shouldn't
be. The United States has an important interest in the direction the E.U. takes
in coming years. It may actually matter, for instance, whether Britain votes to
support the E.U. constitution, as Blair wants. A Britain with real influence inside
the E.U. is more likely to steer it in the liberal imperial direction that the
E.U.'s Cooper, a former Blair adviser, proposes. That could prove a far more
important strategic boon to the United States than a few thousand European
troops in Iraq.
Robert
Kagan, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace, writes a monthly column for The Post.
MUY BREVE COMENTARIO FINAL:LA RESISTENCIA
TENSIONAL DEL CHICLE (L. B.-B., 5-12-04, 20:00)
Tengo la impresión de que muy pronto todos los europeos vamos a
tener que darnos un baño de geopolítica y arquitectura constitucional, pues
Europa, como todos los chicles, tiene unos límites tensionales
a su alargamiento que no se pueden superar. ¿Hasta dónde puede llegar Europa
sin romperse? ¿Hasta Turquía, la fontera rusa y el
Caspio por Azerbayian, Armenia y Georgia? Y, por
cierto, ¿qué sucederá con Bielorrusia? ¿Y con Moldavia?
¿Y cómo se articula todo esto? ¿Con instituciones incomprensibles y
débiles? El chicle se alarga tanto que adelgaza demasiado, y entonces su
estructura se hace muy débil como para resistir tensiones elevadas.
Y se acercan tensiones de todo tipo, por el Sur y por el Este. Y si bien es
cierto que el vínculo trasatlántico se mantendrá, y los Estados Unidos seguirán
sacándonos las castañas del fuego, eso no puede ser gratuito para siempre. Y
muchos de nuestros líderes no se quieren enterar de que los norteamericanos
pueden llegar a cansarse de poner la cara y aún encima recibir patadas en
el trasero.
Y por el Sur, volviendo al chicle, creo yo que no convendría seguir
creciendo más, aunque sí estrechar lazos económicos. Pero Europa debe construir
de una vez su identidad política con instituciones y conciencia de intereses
generales comunes. Y eso debería acabarse en el Mediterráneo, el Caspio, la
frontera con Rusia, el Artico y el Atlántico. Y ya es
mucho, ¿no les parece? Pero hay que ponerse a construir identidad,
instituciones y políticas para ese gigante, creo yo. Y no tengo la impresión de
que exista un proyecto político claro para fijar objetivos, prioridades y
coherencia sistémica. Así que es posible que pasemos la prueba de la
Constitución o no la pasemos, pero suceda lo que suceda hay que ponerse a
trabajar con objetivos conscientemente ambiciosos, y buscar una alianza
profunda con los EEUU, de los cuales no somos competidores ni adversarios, sino
colaboradores fraternos. A ver si es posible que los gaullistas, la izquierda
varada en la guerra fría, y la derecha nacionalista se enteren.