OBSESSION WITH FRANCE SKEWS U.S. PRIORITIES

  Artículo de Borut Grgic en “The International Herald Tribune” del 27.08.2003 

Agog over Gaullism

WASHINGTON The Bush administration seems more concerned about what it calls Gaullism than it is about the deteriorating security situation in Iraq. Talking to Washington policymakers, one gets the feeling that as long as the French are not given a say in Iraq, any price that American taxpayers and the U.S. military will have to pay is tolerable.

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The administration needs to correct the exaggerated concern with France that is skewing its priorities. For one thing, a neurotic obsession with Gaullism - the chief foreign policy heritage of the former French president, Charles de Gaulle, to steer a course independent from that of Washington - is detracting from America's understanding of Europe and the European process.

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This is instilling a myopic fear across Washington that Europe, under the "French spell," is evolving into a competitor that will challenge the United States in the future. In response, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and his colleagues have formulated a divide-and-rule approach for Europe.

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It is absurd that the U.S. policymaking apparatus should so gravely misjudge the role of an increasingly marginalized political mantra. Such behavior is reminiscent of America's tendency to overestimate the power and potential of the Soviet Union during the cold war. In addition, Washington's determination to punish and isolate France on the basis of a false premise is putting intolerable pressure on the European process and Europe as such, and further divorcing Washington from Europe's mainstream.

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In the interests of moving the crippled trans-Atlantic relationship back on track, let's set the record straight: Gaullism does not carry a Europe-wide appeal. It is nothing more than an effort to project narrowly defined French interests globally through the manipulation of the EU experiment. This political conviction is not exactly popular across Europe. Anti-Americanism on the Continent is a no-confidence vote to the U.S. approach in international security management, not a "yes" vote to Gaullism.

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Europe carries the potential to forge a common position and act in unison, but Brussels will not be dictated to, nor dominated by, a Gaullist-leaning France.

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Even the French realize as much. Good relations with Washington are simply too valuable for most other EU members. If Paris wants to lead Europe, it must get along with Washington. For this reason, Paris is actually leaving Gaullism behind. The French line during the convention that drew up Europe's draft constitution, for example, was far more federalist than it was Gaullist. The French have moved closer to the German vision for Europe, not vice versa.

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Of course, America hardly noticed this, let alone praised Paris for its contribution to the debate on the EU constitution. For pundits in Washington, it was and it continues to be an intolerable agenda of Gaullism destined to hijack the European project; never mind that Gaullism is but a propagandist agenda of the right in France, seen as an eccentric voice amid the Continent's political debate.

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Certainly, Germany has no interest in supporting the creation of a Gaullist Europe. Berlin, after all, has gained the most from taking the lead during the latest EU enlargement. Moving Europe's borders east not only served to expand Germany's economic zone of interest, but also helped propel Berlin to the center of Europe's geopolitical debate.

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Chancellor Gerhard Schröder's recent cooperation with Paris is not, as most suggest, a one-man show dictated out of the Elysée. If anything, the newly reinvigorated Berlin-Paris relationship was a tactical move that served Schröder as much as it served Paris.

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In addition, Berlin is making a substantial effort to repair its relationship with Washington. Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer's recent visit to the United States, and Berlin's renewed engagement with Washington on all levels, show Germany's commitment to a strong and vibrant trans-Atlantic relationship.

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Equally, Gaullism has no appeal in Britain, which would never accept such a direction for Europe. Let's not underestimate the Franco-British tension and competition for dominance in Europe. At the same time, let's not overestimate France's ability to build the EU into a serious power without Britain playing an active role. Without full participation from London, a common European defense policy is a lost cause. Paris knows this. Does Washington?

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Finally, let's not brush aside French pragmatism. The French are masters of political maneuvering, and Paris understands that without Germany and Britain along for the ride, and with Washington opposing, France has no chance at leading European political development.

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The math is simple. As long as Washington can maintain good relations with Berlin and London, Gaullism has no future in Europe, and Paris will be forced to play mainstream internationalism - in line with U.S. interests.

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The writer, a visiting fellow at the Atlantic Council, is an adviser on trans-Atlantic relations to Slovenia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is a personal comment.