Editorial de “The New York Times” del 10.07.2003
He may be deposed but he remains a haunting presence. From a hiding place, Saddam Hussein has issued defiant words and vowed resistance, saying that "jihad cells and brigades have been formed." Earlier, President Bush, displaying misplaced bravado, issued his own challenge to Mr. Hussein's supporters: "Bring them on."
We would have hoped that two months after the end of the war in Iraq, the situation would be neither this confrontational nor this dangerous. With almost daily reports of American fatalities in Iraq, the need for turning around a badly deteriorating situation seems urgent.
Despite some limited gains under Washington's chief civilian administrator, Paul Bremer III, exasperated Iraqis are increasingly blaming occupation forces for the excruciatingly slow progress in restoring vital services, rebuilding the economy and returning governmental and police power to Iraqi hands. It is not enough for President Bush to claim that America has adequate forces on the ground to repel any Iraqi challenge. What is needed is a realistic and workable recovery plan. The administration also needs to level with the American people, acknowledging that stabilizing and reviving Iraq will take many more months and could cost many more American casualties.
One badly needed change in Iraq is faster, more visible progress toward self-government. Mr. Bremer should be doing more to extricate Americans from the cross-fire of Iraqi discontent. Beginning serious work on a new national constitution could ease the fears, now common among the majority Shiites as well as the minority Sunnis and Kurds, of being unfairly shut out of power by Iraqi rivals or foreign occupiers. On Monday, after numerous false starts, plans were announced for leading Iraqi politicians to join an interim government later this month. It remains far from clear how this arrangement will function and how much real authority Mr. Bremer will allow these Iraqi figures to exercise.
There also needs to be a more systematic effort to extricate American and British soldiers from the deadly cross-fire of the streets. That will require recruiting and training larger, more capable Iraqi police and security forces. Washington and London have rightly been wary of turning over the streets to unreformed Baathist police officers or sectarian Shiite militias. But American and British combat troops are neither trained nor suited for crowd control and policing duties.
The pressure on American and British troops can also be eased by bringing in significant peacekeeping forces from other countries, including many not involved in the war. That will be accomplished more easily once Washington embraces a more substantial role for the United Nations. With broader U.N. involvement, American and British troops will seem less like foreign conquerors and occupiers.
Finally, Saddam Hussein must be found. Mr. Bremer was right to offer a $25 million reward for his capture. Until Mr. Hussein is in custody, Iraqis will live with the fear of his return to power.
Having declared that America's security depended on regime change in Iraq, Mr. Bush must now see the job through to a successful conclusion. It can be done, and most Iraqis seem eager for it. The key is not to lose the willingness of the public, either American or Iraqi, to see this through.