REDRAWING LINES IN IRAQ
Artículo de
Por su interés y relevancia, he seleccionado el artículo que sigue para incluirlo en este sitio web. (L. B.-B.)
The statement claiming responsibility for the assassination of the head of the
Iraqi Governing Council offers the names of the "heroes" who conducted the
attack and illustrates yet another attempt to spark sectarian strife in Iraq.
The names released in the statement of
the "Arab Resistance Movement — the Al-Rashid Brigade" suggest that the homicide
attackers on moderate Shia leader Izz al-din Salim of the Islamic Dawa Movement
were from the Sunni Arab community of Iraq.
As
many have pointed out, the attack bares the hallmark of Abu Musab Zarqawi, whose
plan for instigating sectarian strife in Iraq was clearly spelled out in a
letter captured several months ago.
Zarqawi's strategy to force sectarian
war in Iraq so far has been unsuccessful. But the structure of the current Iraqi
government along Shia-Sunni sectarian lines does little to discourage this
possibility.
With the forthcoming appointment of a new governing structure, U.N. Special
Envoy Lakhdar Brahimi should ensure that criteria for selection this time are
based not on sectarian identification, but on the real demographic lines in
Iraq: ethnicity.
Iraq is an ethnic mosaic of Arabs, Kurds, Turkomans and Assyrian Christians.
Within each of the first three groups, there are Shia and Sunni Muslims. Within
each of the four groups there are also political organizations from across the
spectrum, ranging from Communists to radical Islamists. In between, each ethnic
group also hosts moderates, liberals and secularists.
The U.S. selection process last summer was based on Shia and Sunni sectarian
lines, and allowed two extremely dangerous phenomena to emerge: the rise of
hard-line Islamist leaders and fertile ground in which outside agitators could
sew the seeds of sectarian strife. Zarqawi recognized the latter and has been
quick to exploit it.
In labeling Iraqis by their sectarian identity, in this case "Shia" or
"Sunni," it is natural that the "most Shia" or the "most Sunni" leaders would
emerge as symbols of their communities. This paved the way for more extreme
elements to rise to popular leadership positions.
In addition, it left little political space for those who do not identify
themselves by religious sectarianism — the more secular and moderate
politicians. Within the Iraqi Governing Council, this sectarian configuration
stifled the possibilities for coalitions along political lines such as
conservatives, liberals and so on, as members were stuck in the Shia, Sunni or
Kurdish blocs.
For example, the Iraqi Governing Council member of the Communist Party,
presumably secular, is listed as "Shia" because he happens to have been born in
a Shia family. The previous head of the Communist Party was a Kurd and,
following this logic, had he been the current head, the position would have been
listed as in the "Kurdish" camp.
What this means on the street is that, for example, a leftist-minded Kurd
will be unlikely to join the Communist Party because he or she will most likely
be Sunni and will not identify with a "Shia" party.
With this structure, the possibility of the emergence of a pan-Iraqi
political party along strictly political lines (liberal, conservative, etc.) is
nearly nil.
If the upcoming caretaker government is to allow for the emergence of truly
political parties and popular support, there must be a revamping of the
selection process away from sectarian lines.
The U.N. envoy, Mr. Brahimi, said recently that those who will take part in
the caretaker government will be "respected figures who are capable, fair and
faithful to Iraq."
This statement was welcomed by moderate Iraqis who want to put a brake on
the political ascendancy of the mullahs and warlords. But the statement is also
vague. The concrete issue is whether the same sectarian criteria will apply to
new appointees.
Since its inception, Iraq's various constitutions have recognized the ethnic
diversity of the country. And ethnic identity has long been openly recognized
both politically and culturally. Iraqis feel comfortable identifying themselves
as Arab or Kurd or Turkoman or Assyrian. They have never thought it necessary to
identify their sect.
The new government should likewise recognize and embrace this ethnic
diversity and give each a fair share in future decision-making.
The United Nations and the United States must acknowledge that within each
ethnic group there are people who are secular and those who are religious, and
that their political orientations may thus differ.
If appointments are made with that in mind, the influence of religious
extremists from both sects will be minimized. More importantly, the barrier that
has been driven between politically like-minded Iraqis who happen to cross the
sectarian divide will be removed.
Hiwa Osman is a Baghdad-based journalist.