MR. BUSH AND THE MIDDLE EAST

 

 Editorial de  “The Washington Post” del 20.05.2003

 

 

A grim and familiar series of events has played out in the Middle East during the past several weeks. An attempt to restart the Arab-Israeli peace process began with encouraging rhetoric and the tabling of a new plan, only to quickly bog down through the inaction of a weak Palestinian leadership, foot-dragging by a hawkish Israeli government and ineffective diplomacy by the United States. On cue, the extremists jumped in: Just as Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas met for the first time, the Islamic movement Hamas launched a wave of suicide bombings. By late yesterday there had been five attacks in less than 48 hours, killing at least 12 Israelis and wounding scores. Mr. Sharon indefinitely postponed a much-anticipated trip to Washington, and Israeli-Palestinian dialogue dissolved into mutual recrimination. If the past two years are a guide, the diplomatic process will stop there. Israelis and Palestinians will renew the low-grade war that has consumed the past 31 months, and the Bush administration will direct its attention elsewhere.

This time, though, President Bush, along with the long-suffering Israelis and Palestinians, has much to lose. Before and after the war in Iraq, the president repeatedly offered his "personal commitment" to advance an Israeli-Palestinian settlement. Progress on such a settlement is critical to holding together the tight coalition Mr. Bush built for Iraq, as well as the much broader one that must go on waging the war against terrorism. Until Mr. Bush's vision of a Palestinian state alongside Israel is achieved, one of the grievances that fuels Muslim extremism and terrorism will blaze on. In short, both strategic U.S. interests and Mr. Bush's personal credibility are riding on his response to this crisis.

Mr. Bush can't solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by himself. Ultimately, only Israelis and Palestinians can do that, and it may be that they still are not ready to make the necessary compromises. But this powerful president is perhaps the only person capable of rescuing the process from its incipient collapse -- and if he acts aggressively there is still a chance for success. Polls show that, despite the failures of their leaders, a large majority of Palestinians want to end the violence against Israel; despite Mr. Sharon's resistance to the peace plan, Israeli surveys show an equally large majority is ready to dismantle Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip to make way for a Palestinian state.

So far Mr. Bush has limited the administration's involvement to a quick trip to the region by Secretary of State Colin L. Powell -- who, with little visible backing from the White House, once again found himself sandbagged by the Palestinians and stiff-armed by Mr. Sharon. The time for such lukewarm demarches is over: Mr. Bush must visibly use his leverage with both Mr. Abbas and Mr. Sharon and demand that each begin taking action. Mr. Abbas must muster all the loyal security forces he has and use them to stop further attacks by Hamas and other extremists. Mr. Sharon should order his army and security services to cooperate with any crackdown and take his own steps to change the climate -- steps such as dismantling some of the dozens of settlement expansions built during the past year. Rather than allowing Mr. Sharon to bargain over the U.S.-backed "road map" for peace, the president should name a senior envoy to return to the region and remain there while insisting on, and monitoring, practical discussions between Israeli and Palestinian officials. Mr. Bush should also contact Arab leaders, such as Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Abdullah, and press them to intervene forcefully and publicly to help Mr. Abbas. It may be that none of this would work. But if Mr. Bush does not make the effort, he will be blamed for another Israeli-Palestinian breakdown -- and for failing to keep his own word.